Turkish Version
The recent history of Slovenia inevitably reminds of Thomas Hardy’s famous novel, "Far From the Maddening Crowd". Slovenia is the first and the unique EU member of the Balkans. The country enjoys a growing regional profile and plays a role on the world stage quite out of proportion to its small size. In what does Slovenia differ from the rest of the Balkans? What made the country so "European"? One may answer these questions with two key words: Cautiousness and consensus...
Slovenia: A role model for the whole region
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| Slovenian land |
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Karantania (or Carinthia) was a Slavic principality, which developed in the 7th century. It is considered one of the first Slavic State forms. The people of Karantania are considered as ancestors of modern Slovenes. The principality is particularly notable for the ancient ritual of installing Karantanian dukes - a practice that continued in the later Duchy of Carinthia (from 976 until 1918 when it became the Austrian State of Carinthia). It was conducted for the last time in 1414. Centuries before Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s contractual theory, Slovene farmers contractually consented to be governed by the Duke. Though its accuracy rather debatable, the French political philosopher Jean Bodin gives a detailed account of this remarkable ritual:
“There is nothing to compare with this custom observed in Carinthia, where even today in the vicinity of the town of Saint Vitus one can see a stone of marble in a meadow. Surrounded by the people and holding a black cow with his right hand and an emaciated mare with his left, a peasant mounted this stone. This duty belonged to him by right of succession. He who was all garbed in red, with banners carried in front of the Duke. All were proper in dress except the Duke, who walked dressed as a poor shepherd with a shepherd’s crook in his hand. The peasant sitting on the stone cried out in Slovenian: “Who comes forward so boldly?” The people answered that this was the prince. Then the peasant asked again: “Can he be a judge? Is he concerned with the well-being of the country? Was he born a free man? Does he observe the true religion?” They answered: “He is and he will be”. Then the peasant slapped the Duke gently. After having promised the peasant he would be exempt from public burdens, the Duke mounted the stone and brandishing the sword he promised the people to be a righteous judge. He attended the mass still clad in the same vestments. Then he donned the ducal vestments and returned to the stone, where homage and the oath of fealty were rendered him”.
Actually today, it is not known whether parts of modern Slovenia belonged to Karantania. Still, Bodin’s account would have been a dramatic starting point to understand the Slovenian spirit, which tries to find the social consensus on every national question.
Until 1991, Slovenes lived under foreign rulers. The most long-lived ruler was the Habsburgs between 1335 and 1918, with the exception of Napoleon's four-year tutelage of parts of modern-day Slovenia and Croatia (the “Illyrian provinces”).
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Coat of arms of the former Socialist Republic of Slovenia |
Despite the efforts of “Germanisation” of the Austrian Empire, the Slovenes preserved their Slavic culture and language. When the South Slav movement was born during the 19th century, the Slovenes along with the Croats were enthusiastic about the idea of a united Slav land. In Serbia, however, the idea of “Yugoslavism” was far less attractive than it was in the Habsburg lands, for Serbia had a more ambitious dream - the “Greater Serbia”.
Already within the communist Yugoslavia after 1945, Slovenia embraced democracy and opened its society in the cultural, civic and economic spheres to a degree almost unprecedented in the communist world. During the 1960s, Slovenia, being the richest and the most industrialised republic, defied Belgrade for more decentralisation and republican authorities. The Slovenes did not want to finance the less developed regions of Yugoslavia anymore.
In January 1990 the Slovenes left the Yugoslav Communist Party. The Slovene elections, held in April 1990, led to the victory of a centre-right coalition. Milan Kucan, the republic’s former communist president, returned to power as the first democratically elected leader
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| Milan Kucan |
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within Yugoslavia since 1945. Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic let the Slovenes go to their way. That was not a big surprise, though. Milosevic applied what was the project of King Alexander in 1928: the “amputation” of Croatia while keeping the rest of Yugoslavia, minus Slovenia, but including the Serb-populated areas of Croatia. That is why in January 1991, in a secret understanding, Milosevic signalled to Kucan that the Slovenes were free to leave. There were three reasons for this Serbian “tolerance”. The historical reason was that between the Serbs and the Slovenes, there was no historic quarrel. The psychological reason was that traditionally the Serbs liked the Slovenes. And the political reason was that Slovenia had no Serbian minority in its land.
On 25th June 1991, Slovenia declared independence. A nearly bloodless 10-day war with Serbia followed. Yugoslav People's Army forces withdrew after Slovenia demonstrated stiff resistance to Belgrade. Some still believe that this war was no more than a charade. The Milosevic-Kucan understanding being a secret one, Milosevic had to pretend to be “doing something” in order to keep up the appearances.
Due to its geographic location, Slovenia, more than its Slavic partners, was more exposed to Western influences, Austria and Italy being its neighbours. As a bridge between the Balkans and Western Europe, Ljubljana has taken benefit from this strategic position. While Slovenia has penetrated successfully the south and east European markets, including the former Soviet Union region, historical ties to Western
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10-day war |
Europe made the country a strong candidate for accession to the EU and NATO. Ljubljana became a member of NATO in March 2004 and joined the EU on 1st May 2004.
Since the break-up of the former Yugoslavia, Slovenia has instituted a stable, multi-party, democratic political system, characterised by regular elections, a free press, and an excellent human rights record. The most liberal republic of ex-Yugoslavia, Slovenia’s transition from a socialist economy to the capitalist free market was easier than other Balkan countries. Despite the bad economic performance in Europe in 2001-2005, Slovenia succeeded to maintain moderate growth (3.8 percent in 2005).
Slovenia went through a smooth transition period, for Slovenian society is built on consensus, which has converged on a social-democrat model. Slovenia has taken a cautious approach to economic management and reform and further political openness, with heavy emphasis on achieving consensus before proceeding. That is why its overall record is one of success. “Cautiousness” and “consensus” are the two key words of the Slovenian miracle today.
The “Denmark of the Balkans”
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| Janez Drnovsek |
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Slovenian President Janez Drnovsek, in an interview given this year, stated that Slovenia would like to follow the Scandinavian countries, taking on a humanitarian role internationally. In March 2004, Slovenia became the first transition country to graduate from borrower status to donor partner at the World Bank. Slovenia is one of the top foreign investors in the former Yugoslavia today.
The much criticised inflation fell to 2.3 percent in December 2005, the lowest annual rate since 1954. Ljubljana will probably be the first of the EU’s ten new members to join the Eurozone in 2007. The Prime Minister Janez Jansa stated: “Slovenia will also join the Schengen area and will be the first of the new members to have the presidency of the
Council of the EU". The Slovenian presidency may offer great opportunities to other Balkan countries. Accordingly European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso stated:
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Janez Jansa |
“We are looking forward to the contribution that Slovenia can give to our way of thinking and its very special role in the [Balkans]”.
Ljubljana has strong political and economic ties in the Balkans. In recent years, Slovenia has been among Bosnia's leading trade partners and one of its top foreign investors. The country also has good political and economic relations with Serbia-Montenegro. Slovenia re-established diplomatic relations with Serbia only after the fall of Milosevic in late 2000. However in summer 2003, Drnovsek offered Serbia-Montenegro assistance in the European integration processes. As early as 2002, Slovenian Foreign Minister Dimitrij Rupel emphasised that the EU and NATO enlargements should go on and that “in accordance with the concept of an "enlarged Europe", the opportunity should also be given to all south-east European countries”.
Compared to other EU member-states, Slovenia has a great advantage in the Balkans because it is familiar with the conditions of this region. Ljubljana is already active in various international peace initiatives, including the Kosovo Forces (KFOR) and the UN Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). As far as the Kosovo is concerned, Slovenia seems to be an active yet neutral actor. Dimitrij Rupel stressed that Ljubljana has not got any official attitude concerning the Kosovo final status and that this issue
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| Slovenia coastal map |
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should be discussed in parliament and government. In both internal and foreign affairs Slovenia displays a remarkable cautiousness and objectivity.
In this idyllic picture, there is one dissonant note though: the land and maritime boundary disputes between Slovenia and Croatia.
Slovenia's Adriatic coastline extends for approximately 50 kilometres from Italy to Croatia. Slovenia claims that the water border in the Bay of Piran (in the northern Adriatic Sea) does not go through the middle of the bay, while Croatia claims the contrary. This causes problems for the fishermen due to undefined area where the naval police of each country may patrol. In 2001, Croatian and Slovenian premiers signed an agreement. According to this document, Croatia was to shift its maritime border to the east, thus allowing Slovenia to have access to the open sea. However, the agreement was rejected by Croatian parliament. Ever since, Slovene fishermen and Croatian police boats confront each other every summer in coastal waters, which each country claims as its own. Furious Croatian nationalists claim that the Slovenian vessels have no right to be there since the agreement is un-ratified and in dispute.
Slovenia, which did not experience the horrors of the Yugoslavian war, probably does not understand why Croatian people are so sensitive on the subject of territorial sovereignty and borders. In 2003, Croatia unilaterally claimed a 200-mile exclusive economic zone, which divided the Adriatic Sea into two main sectors only - Croatian and Italian. Ljubljana condemned Zagreb’s initiative, which would cut the country off from the open sea. Since late 2004, Croatia has pursued a policy of strict control over fishing and other economic use of the sea. Yet, the EU countries are exempted from this control. Zagreb offers two possible solutions: international arbitration or freezing
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The disputed Bay of Piran |
of the existing boundaries through the middle of the Bay of Piran. While Ljubljana definitely rejects the freezing of the existing boundaries, it warns that the arbitration would be costly and length. However, Slovenia does not wholly reject the prospect of arbitration.
The maritime and land disputes do not date from 1991. The borders of Croatia and Slovenia were never clearly defined even when the two republics were federal partners in the former Yugoslavia. After the independence of the two countries, those undetermined areas became a serious problem. In September 2004, Slovenia threatened to oppose Croatia’s EU and NATO memberships after a number of its citizens were held in one of the disputed border areas (near Secovlje, southern margin of the Slovenian coast).
However, outside the EU, Croatia is the most valuable market to Slovenian trade. With Slovenia's entry into the EU in May 2004 and Croatia's intention to join in 2007, Brussels wants the disputes to be settled. As a responsible EU member, the traditionally cautious Slovenia probably will not turn the problem into a political impasse.
Balcanian issues:
Serbian Democrats Need the Patience of a Saint (17.03.06)
The Macedonia-Bulgaria Dispute or Endless Torment of Clio (16.03.06)
Two Major Muslim Minorities of Macedonia (08.03.06)
Macedonia-Greece Name Dispute: Only the Tip of the Iceberg (28.02.06)
Southern Serbia: The Second Kosovo (21.02.06)
A Long Voyage: Macedonia Sets Sail for Europe (05.02.06)
Kosovo After January the 21st or Politics Without Ibrahim Rugova (26.01.06)
Serbia and Montenegro: Unhappy Couple on the Way of Divorce (16.01.06)
Kosovo: A New State or a New Bone of Contention in Balkans (26.11.05)
Croatia and Serbia on Their Way to EU (24.10.05)
Russian Intelligence Keeps an Eye on the American Military in Bulgaria (18.08.05)
Bulgaria: Secret Bargains to Overcome Government Crisis (11.08.05)
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